
This article critically assesses three related constraints, namely; data transparency, informality and regulatory enforcement, it also suggests that until significant progress is made on each front, current traceability efforts will remain superficial attempts at compliance rather than facilitators of change.
Traceability and sustainability in supply chains have gone from aspirational to operational in global commerce. This is a major opportunity and challenge for African economies. Demand for sustainably sourced goods, and integration initiatives like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), provide a strong incentive for improving supply chain governance. But the way forward is hindered by structural challenges: fragmented data ecosystems, informality and regulatory inconsistencies.
These are not insignificant issues. The World Bank (2024) notes that firms in Sub-Saharan Africa still face numerous constraints, including inefficient logistics services, regulatory uncertainty and limited digital infrastructure, which hampers visibility within supply chains. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (2023) also notes that Africa's participation in global value chains is confined to low value segments, where traceability is absent.
This article critically assesses three related constraints, namely; data transparency, informality and regulatory enforcement, it also suggests that until significant progress is made on each front, current traceability efforts will remain superficial attempts at compliance rather than facilitators of change.
Data Transparency: Why Digital Traceability Has Limits
Traceability requires seamless information sharing backed by trusted data between all stakeholders in the supply chain. However, many African data ecosystems are fragmented, poorly developed and inaccessible. According to the International Telecommunication Union (2023), internet penetration rates in Sub-Saharan Africa are below the world average, making it difficult to adopt digital traceability technologies, especially for smallholder farmers, who are often the backbone of agricultural supply chains in the region.
Where digital platforms have been deployed, they have mixed results. Hinson, Adeola, and Osei-Frimpong (2022) show that while these platforms can increase transparency, their effectiveness depends on the quality of the underlying infrastructure and digital skills of those using them. In reality, traceability systems generally work well among downstream large companies, but fail upstream, with smallholder farmers and informal traders.
The excitement around blockchain technologies is a case in point. Kshetri (2023) notes that blockchain can establish an immutable audit trail of transactions, but it cannot control the accuracy of the information that goes into the system. All it does is enshrine in place a tamper-resistant record of poor data.
Another issue is a lack of interoperability. Traceability systems are often introduced independently by private firms or development organisations, resulting in a fragmented landscape of systems. As De Maria and Ponte (2022) warn, the digitalisation of global value chains may create new forms of exclusion, especially where access to global value chains requires access to proprietary technologies. In Africa, this can reinforce unequal power relationships between exporters and small producers.
Informality: The Invisible Backbone of African Supply Chains
To understand Africa's traceability problems, informality cannot be ignored. According to the International Labour Organization (2023) most jobs in the region are informal, which has huge implications for the nature of supply chains and how they might be traced.
Informal supply chains feature flexible arrangements, cash payments and little documentation. These characteristics provide flexibility and resilience, especially in environments where formal institutions are weak, but they make tracing products and services much more challenging. Fold and Larsen (2023) demonstrate that in Africa's agricultural value chains, informal intermediaries play an essential role in collecting and distributing agricultural products, but their operations are not documented.
Efforts to remove informal intermediaries from value chains can backfire. In rural markets, intermediaries play much more than a role in connecting buyers and sellers; they also provide finance, transport and other services that are not yet being offered by formal markets. Cutting them out of the supply chain without offering alternatives can lead to supply chain disruption and lower incomes for smallholders.
This is especially so in artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM). The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2023) highlights that despite the global movement towards responsible sourcing, ASM is largely informal. Traceability initiatives for this sector are faced with the unenviable problem of tracing products through highly dispersed and informal supply chains.
Importantly, informality isn't just a product of weak governance. It also reflects the socio-economic context: barriers to accessing formal financial services, distrust of formal institutions, and the high costs of formalisation. Compliance-driven policies that ignore these realities are likely to be met with resistance or "window-dressing".
Regulatory Enforcement: When Policy Outpaces Capacity
African governments have introduced a slew of policies to enhance the sustainability of supply chains over the past decade, ranging from environmental and labour policies to trade facilitation policies in line with the AfCFTA. Yet, policy is not always implemented, and enforcement is often lacking.
Capacity issues are at the core of the challenge. Government departments may not have the technical know-how, staff or resources to monitor compliance with multiple stakeholders in a supply chain. The African Development Bank (2024) notes that governance weaknesses, including weak institutional capacity, remain a key hindrance to effective economic reform in the region.
Corruption compounds the difficulty. According to Transparency International (2023), regulatory frameworks in many African nations remain open to corruption and arbitrary enforcement. For supply chains, this means uneven enforcement of standards, where adherence might be less a function of compliance and more related to firm size, political favouritism or other forms of influence.
Inter-territorial trade adds another dimension. Although AfCFTA is designed to standardise trade rules, significant differences still exist across countries. According to UNCTAD (2023), non-tariff barriers such as differing product standards and customs procedures are a major trade barrier within Africa. For traceability, this translates to goods crossing borders having to comply with various documentation and verification procedures, making it hard to see the chain from end to end.
There is also a disconnect between regulatory systems and the informal sector. Laws that are primarily geared towards registered businesses often do not filter down to informal players, undermining the system.
Rethinking the Approach: Beyond Technology and Compliance
The problems discussed above indicate that the focus on technology and certification processes, while important, must be complemented by other measures. Compliance and technology mechanisms cannot replace the institutional and structural changes that are needed.
A more effective response would have three interrelated aspects.
First, basic infrastructure needs to be improved. This goes beyond digital connectivity to include fundamental data collection and management capabilities along the entire supply chain. The World Bank (2023) confirms that digital infrastructure investment brings about large increases in firm productivity and access to markets, two requirements for traceability.
Second, policymaking should address informality, not eliminate it. Coercive formalisation is ineffective and destabilising. Evidence from Abdulai and Alhassan (2023) shows that the incremental, positive-feedback routes, with greater access to finance and markets for informal actors and relatively light compliance costs, are more viable than "big bang" approaches.
Third, the design of policies needs to be complemented by effective enforcement. This means building institutional capacity, improving coordination among government agencies, and taking advantage of regional approaches to harmonise policies. If this is not done, all policy design will be for naught.
Foreign buyers also have a role to play. Multinational buyers that require a high degree of traceability from African suppliers often do little to assist them in achieving this. Improved commercial relationships - such as long-term contracts and capacity-building partnerships - are required to ensure that sustainability standards do not become yet another mechanism to exclude small suppliers.
Conclusion
Sustainable and traceable supply chains in Africa are ultimately structural problems, rather than technical issues. Disparate data collection and poor infrastructure limit transparency; widespread informality defies normalisation; and regulation is patchy. Crucially, these limitations are not independent, but rather interconnected. Technology can enhance transparency but only with quality, representative data. Rules can be created, but they can only be applied with limited capacity and in a specific context. The way forward is to recognise these connections, rather than treat each issue in isolation. Through the integration of appropriate technology with policies to advance institutional development, inclusive economic growth and more equitable international trade, it is possible to transition from a compliance-based to a sustainable supply chain model.
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